word to the eloquent terms in which the right hon.
gentleman had made his motion, as he was sure the whole
house would concur in the assurance he proposed to
convey to the Throne.—The motion was then agreed to.

Mr. BROTHERTON made his annual motion, that the
house should take No Buisiness after Midnight. It was
supported by Mr. Ewart and Mr. W. Williams; opposed
by Mr. Disraeli and Lord J. Russell; and negatived on
a division by 260 to 64.

On Tuesday the 16th, Lord STANLEY stated, in answer
to Mr. Hume, that after a protracted correspondence on
the Case of Mr. Newton, who, in June last was arrested
in Vienna, and treated with indignity, the Austrian
Government had apologised.

On the motion that the house resolve itself into a
committee of supply, Lord D. STUART complained that
no estimate of the Expense of the Duke of Wellington's
Funeral had been laid before the house, and that all the
cost of the pageant should have been incurred by the
prerogative.—Mr. S. CARTER condemned the expenditure
of any money whatever upon a pageantry which
could benefit neither the dead nor the living.

On Wednesday the 17th, Mr. WILSON, on the part of
Mr. Villiers, gave notice, for Tuesday next, of his motion
respecting the beneficial results of the repeal of the corn-
laws.

On Friday the 19th, Mr. HUME moved for a Call of
the House for the day before that of Mr. Villiers's
motion, considering that a question of so much importance
could not be finally settled unless there was a due
attendance of the representatives of the nation. On a division,
the motion was carried by 147 against 142.

On Monday, the 22nd, in reply to a question put by
Mr. M. MILNES respecting the Seizure of the Private
Papers of Mr. Paget, at Dresden, by the Austrian
police acting in Saxony, Lord STANLEY said it was true
that Mr. Paget, who had been resident for two years at
Dresden, had had his house entered and his papers
seized by the police; but it was not true that the seizure
had been made by the Austrian police, but by the
police of the country in which he resided. The result
of the remonstrance made to the Saxon government was
that Mr. Paget's papers had been restored, and the
police who had entered his house had received a severe
reprimand.

In answer to a series of questions by Sir B. HALL,
Mr. WALPOLE stated that the government were of
opinion that there ought to be an effectual Reform of
the Ecclesiastical Courts, but that no bill should be
introduced for that object until the whole question, now
under investigation, had been fully considered; that the
Crown had no power to prevent what Sir Benjamin had
termed "Romish" proceedings in the church, the best
mode of checking which would be found in the good
sense of the people of this country; and, lastly, that he
did not see that the government ought to interfere with
the life-incomes of any of the bishops.

Mr. NAPIER moved for leave to bring in bills to
Facilitate the Improvement of Landed Property in
Ireland. After noticing the difficulties which beset
the framing of a code of laws to regulate the relations
between landlord and tenant in Ireland, he observed
that the present circumstances of that country, while
they rendered the adjustment of the land question
indispensable, offered facilities for its accomplishment. He
gave a sketch of the agricultural history of Ireland, of
the policy which England and the imperial legislature
had pursued with reference to the Irish land question,
and of the various parliamentary investigations which
that question had undergone. He then developed the
objects he had in view to remedy the agricultural evils
of Ireland, in the bills he proposed to introduce. The
first was to enable owners themselves to carry out fully
improvements of the soil, by drainage, &c. The second was
to facilitate the making of beneficial leases and contracts,
and agreements for compensation for improvements of
lands, which would promote concord and harmony
betwixt landlord and tenant, by showing that they had
a common interest, while the tenant would enjoy full
legal protection, and the landlord's just rights would be
secured. A third bill would simplify, consolidate, and
amend the existing laws which regulate the relation of
landlord and tenant, founding that relation upon the
principle of contract, and providing facilities for effecting
such contracts, along with remedies more prompt
and effectual than those now existing for violation of
contracts, withholding of rent, burning of lands, and
other wrongs, simplifying, at the same time, the law of
ejectment. The last bill would provide compensation
to tenants for improvement of their holdings, a large
portion of the land in Ireland being held by tenants
from year to year. It was not intended to interfere in
any way with the tenant-right of Ulster. It was
proposed to enable the tenant to offer to undertake
improvements, unless the landlord chose to avail himself of
the means of effecting them, which would be placed in
his power; and retrospective improvements, made by
the tenant before the passing the law, would be
provided for by a compensation for their unexhausted value,
without resorting to schemes that would lead to the
compulsory adjustment of rent. Mr. NAPIER explained
at much length and with great particularity the nature
of those several measures, conceived, he said, in a
liberal and generous spirit, with due regard to the rights
of property, and the provisions by which he proposed to
carry them into execution, and expressed his hope that,
by this code, he might be able to give freer scope to the
industry of Ireland, and work out its great resources.—
After several remarks, generally approving of the
proposed measures, leave was given to bring in the four
bills.

On Tuesday the 23rd, Mr. VILLIERS moved his
Resolutions in favour of Free Trade. They were as
follows:—

"That it is the opinion of this house that the
improved condition of the country, and particularly
of the industrious classes, is mainly the result of recent
commercial legislation, and especially of the act of 1846,
which established the free admission of foreign corn,
and that that act was a wise, just, and beneficial
measure.

"That it is the opinion of this house that the maintenance
and further extension of the policy of free-trade,
as opposed to that of protection, will best enable the
property and industry of the nation to bear the burdens
to which they are exposed, and will most contribute to
the general prosperity, welfare, and contentment of the
people.

"That this house is ready to take into its consideration
any measures consistent with the principles of these
resolutions which may be laid before it by her Majesty's
ministers."

Mr. Villiers explained in the outset the circumstances
under which he had considered it necessary to bring
forward a motion which should set the question of Free-
trade finally at rest. He alluded particularly to the
paragraph in the Queen's speech, with which he believed
everybody was dissatisfied. He had been asked to postpone
his resolutions to make way for the plans of the
government; but with those plans he considered he
had nothing to do, the house having been summoned to
decide on this most important of subjects, and the
government having previously agreed to be tried by the
country on that very point. The government had been
tried and found wanting; and it was now time that the
house should declare itself finally upon the question.
He had been told that the government would resign
should the motion be carried. The country might
survive such a calamity, but such was not his intention in
taking the present step. He was surprised to hear that
that step was considered by the government as factious;
but he did not know why he was implicitly to trust
that government, and believe in its reputation for
consistency? He taunted the government with a
disposition to remain in office at all hazards, and at the
sacrifice of every principle. With regard to the first
minister of the crown, he (Mr. Villiers) had a right to
suppose—from his speeches and arguments—that his
opinions remained unchanged; and under these
circumstances it was not unreasonable of the country to insist
upon having its own opinions represented in the house.
With regard to the question itself, he would not enter
into statistics, because he hoped they were all agreed
upon it. The right hon. gentleman himself, who had
given notice of the amendment, acknowledged the
general prosperity of the working classes, and admitted