forward their measures, and he suggested to Mr.Villiers
that the discussion he proposed should be blended with
that on the government proposition, and he thought
that the latter could he brought on about Friday, the
26th instant. No one was more anxious to meet this
great controversy than himself.—Mr. GLADSTONE
expressed his satisfaction at the exposition which the
paragraph in the royal speech, on the subject of our
commercial policy, had received, though the two
defences of Mr. Walpole and Mr. Disraeli were inconsistent.
The first was the best—namely, that the paragraph
was left ambiguous because the moment was inconvenient
for the conflict of principles. All he (Mr. Gladstone)
wanted was a full, final, and solemn settlement of the
question of free-trade; that the ministers should once for
all declare their views upon this question, and that they
had unequivocally and finally abandoned the idea of
the possibility of a return to protection.—Mr. CHRISTOPHER,
in reply to an observation of Mr. Gladstone,
explained and defended the sentiments he had expressed
out of doors, and professed his readiness, now the
verdict of the country had been taken upon the question
of protection, to bow to its decision.—Mr. OSBORNE
thought that the country could only gather, from the
insidious paragraph put into the royal speech, that the
question of protection was to be re-opened. He
complained likewise of the paragraph relating to Ireland.
—Mr. ADDERLEY remonstrated against the premature
attacks made upon the government. He had supported
protection upon the principle that the land was unequally
taxed and now that protection was withdrawn,
the inequality, from which it had originated, should be
adjusted.—Mr. CORDEN thought that no plain, fair-
minded man could regard the clause of the Queen's
speech as a sufficient solution of the question so long
agitated. Supposing that, the cabinet had resolved to
adopt the principle of unrestricted competition, it must
not be mixed with other questions; the pure principle
of free-trade must be affirmed. Apart from the
doctrine of unrestricted competition, there was a wide
field open to a Chancellor of the Exchequer in dealing
with taxation; but he could not be allowed to go into
that question with the view of remedying the alleged
injury done to certain interests. This would be to re-
open the whole question of protection.—Lord PALMERSTON
had derived great satisfaction from some parts of
the Queen's speech, and with respect to the questions
of protection or free-trade, he thought it necessary for
the public interest that there should be some formal
declaration on the part of the House of Commons of its
permanent and decided concurrence in the sound policy
of the commercial arrangements established by the
legislation of late years.—After a few words from
Colonel SIBTHORP, who avowed himself as thoroughly
protectionist as ever, and expressed his "disgust" at
sentiments that he had heard in the house that night
—sentiments that left him doubtful where he ought to
seat himself; the usual formalities were gone through,
and the motion agreed to without dissent.

On Friday the l2th inst. Petitions were presented
complaining of the returns for the boroughs of Great
Yarmouth, Bridgenorth, and Tavistock.

In reply to a question from Mr. Fitzroy, Mr. WALPOLE
said that the report and the evidence taken by the
commission of inquiry into outrages said to have been
committed in Bethlehem Hospital would be laid upon
the table of the house as soon as it should be returned
by the governors of the hospital, to whom it had been
submitted for their observations. In reply to another
question, he said that it was the intention of the
government to bring in a bill to put a stop to the nuisance of
Betting Offices in the metropolis.

A message from her Majesty stated that she had given
directions for the Interment of the Duke of Wellington
in St. Paul's Cathedral, and relied upon her faithful
Commons to provide means to make the necessary
arrangements for conducting the funeral obsequies with
befitting solemnity.—The Chancellor of the Exchequer
gave notice that on Monday next he would move that
her Majesty's message be taken into consideration.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER gave notice that
he would make his Statement relative to the Commercial
and Financial Policy of the Government on the 26th inst.,
but in the event of any unfairly hostile attempt being
made against the government, he would reserve to himself
the right of altering the present arrangement.

The Report on the Address was brought up and agreed
to, after a few slight remarks from several members.

On Monday the 15th, Mr. J. A. SMITH asked the
Secretary for the Home Department whether any
communication had been made by the Archbishop of
Canterbury to the government with reference to the present
sitting of Convocation, and whether it was intended that
it should continue to sit or be prorogued as usual?—
Mr. WALPOLE said, that as far as he was aware, no
communication such as the hon. member referred to had
been made to any member of the government; certainly
none such had been made to him. In answer to the
other branch of the question—namely, whether the
convocation was to be allowed to continue sitting or to he
prorogued as usual, he begged to state that the usual
course would be observed, and this was intended from
the beginning.

A bill for making such commercial bills and notes as
might fall due in the metropolis on Thursday (the day
of the Duke of Wellington's funeral) payable on the day
before, was read three times and passed.

On the motion for considering the Queen's Message
relating to the late Duke of Wellington, the CHANCELLOR
of the EXCHEQUER, in moving an address in reply to
the Crown, referred to the leading characteristics and
exploits of the departed hero. After reviewing the
Duke's military achievements, Mr. Disraeli proceeded to
say, that his Grace's civil career had scarcely been less
splendid than his military history. "He had been three
times ambassador to congresses, twice secretary of state,
twice commander-in-chief, and once prime minister, and
to the last hour of his life was engaged in the service of
his country. It was also matter of pride with that
house to remember, that in his time the Duke had been
one of themselves. There was, however, one consolation
for the loss of the hero, in the fact that there had been
so general and intimate an acquaintance with him, that he
was everywhere honoured in social life, and that wherever
he went the people followed him with a glance of reverent
admiration. To complete all," he continued, "that we
might have a perfect idea of this sovereign master of duty
in all his manifold offices, he himself gave us a collection of
administrative and military literature which no age and
no country can rival; and, fortunate in all things,
Wellesley found in his lifetime as historian whose immortal
page already ranks with the classics of that land which
Wellesley saved. The Duke of Wellington left to his
countrymen a great legacy—greater even than his glory.
He left them the contemplation of his character. I will
not say his conduct revived the sense of duty in England.
I would not say that of our country. But that his
conduct inspired public life with a purer and more masculine
tone, I cannot doubt. His career rebukes restless
vanity, and reprimands the irregular ebullitions of a
morbid egotism. I doubt not that among all orders of
Englishmen, from those with the highest responsibilities
of our society to those who perform the humblest duties,
I dare say there is not a man who, in his toil and his
perplexity has not sometimes thought of the Duke, and
found in his example support and solace. Though he
lived so much in the hearts and minds of his countrymen
—though he occupied such eminent posts, and fulfilled
such august duties—it was not till he died that we
felt what a space he filled in the feelings and thoughts
of the people of England. Never was the influence of
real greatness more completely asserted than on his
decease. In an age whose boast of intellectual equality
flatters all our self complacencies, the world suddenly
acknowledged that it had lost the greatest of men; in an
age of utility, the most industrious and common-sense
people in the world could find no vent for their woe, and
no representative for their sorrow, but the solemnity of
a pageant; and we—we who have met here for such
different purposes—to investigate the sources of the
wealth of nations, to enter into statistical research, and
to encounter each other in fiscal controversy—we present
to the world the most sublime and touching spectacle
that humau circumstances can well produce—the spectacle
of a senate mourning a hero!" Lord J. RUSSELL
seconded the motion. He did not wish to add a single