Victor Leblanc the friend of my boyhood,
sitting in the place I had formerly occupied, and
 confessing in open court that he had been
 actuated throughout, by feelings of hatred and
 jealousy of my success in life. Having once
 got rid of me, he felt confident of winning
Louise. But here he was defeated. For,
when hard pressed by her own family to
forget me, and marry, Louise had firmly
 refused, expressing her determination to enter
 a convent if further troubled upon the
 subject. So, being an only child, she was
 allowed to have her own way.
Victor Leblanc was sentenced to hard
 labour for life, the farm-servant to twenty
 years imprisonment; and, two days afterwards,
 I was solemnly reinstated in my legal
 rights.
In another fortnight I was quietly married
 in the little church of Bazeille.
AN OFFICIAL SCARECROW.
IF any Right Honourable Prime Minister
of England were to request the favour of my
 attendance at the Treasury one morning, and
when I was standing before him upon the
Turkey carpet in the lofty room, were to say
 to me heartily and benevolently, absence
in his voice and manner of all official
 restraint: "Tomkins, you have, in your time,
 done the state some service, and hang me if
 you shall not have any office you like to
name," I solemnly believe that I should
 respond by naming the office of Examiner
 and Licenser of Plays. I do not covet
 the emoluments of the appointment—for the
sum of four hundred pounds per annum,
salary, and a fee upon every play, song, or
 entertainment intended for representation on
 the stage, would have few charms in my eyes
—but it would be because I long to fill such
 a sphere of usefulness in the government of
 my country. What pride and joy there
 would be in feeling that I was the guardian
and conservator of public morality, the
one single barrier left to stem the tide of
 written impropriety and represented vice?
 While on every side there raged around me
 the violent, uncontrolled liberty and licence
 of literature and the press, I alone should
 remain calm and dignified, working in my
 little circle of self elected and time-honoured
 utility, checking the encroachments of a
 freedom that is not required for the public
good, and purifying the poisoned spring of
 the people's amusements at the fountain
 head. Could any man, with an inborn sense
 of the virtues of order, decency, and
propriety, of the incalculable benefits arising
 from a careful governmental supervision of
 thought and action, wish for a more congenial
 employment? I think not.
Of course, in filling an office of this kind,
 much must depend upon the individual tastes
and habits of the censor. What is one man's
 food is another man's poison. I can imagine
 a censor with a partiality for the spicing of
oaths contained in the old style of comedy,
 while another censor would have as much
 horror of this peculiar means of excitement
as a field-preacher. One censor may be
rather loose in his notions of morality, may
be prone to tolerate that which can scarcely
be endured, may be charitably broad in his
 critical interpretations, mentally quoting that
 highly convenient maxim which wishes evil
unto him who evil thinketh. Another censor
may carry fastidiousness to a pitch that is
absurdly unbearable: may see an impropriety
 lurking in every phrase, and a double meaning
conveyed in every point. It is an established
 law, that one censor cannot recall and re-
censor the work which his predecessors have
 censored. He may expend his fury upon
 the translated productions of an unscrupulous
French stage, that come under the operation
 of his personal pruning-knife, but those
performances that have gone before he has no
power to touch, while the effusions of the
 elder dramatists stare him in the face, and
 mock him with what great critics are pleased
 to call their rude, hearty, honest, and rampant
strength. When the Parisian vaudeville has
 gone forth from his office, without stain and
 without reproach, he must be painfully
conscious that there are still in existence
many fine Beaumonts and Fletchers, certain
acting editions of Romeo, and of Othello, to
 say little of Congreve, and a host of that
 period.
But still, notwithstanding these drawbacks
and annoyances, his position is an enviable
one. Other functionaries who administer
 the routine of government, may enjoy an
importance far transcending his; their pay
 may be greater, and they may dine more
 frequently at the table of their monarch;
 but these things are no measure of the
 real benefit they confer upon the country.
 It is not only in the capacity of moral
 sentinel that the licenser of plays may be
 regarded with envy; he has another function.
 To his care is confided the safe custody of
 Church and State, the preservation of political
dignity, and the protection of royalty from
 the rude attacks of unscrupulous dramatic
satirists. When the vulgar burlesque writer
 hurls his wordy missiles with a reckless hand
at the head of the devoted minister for the
 time being, it is the proud duty of the
 licenser of plays to interpose his slender
 shield, and turn back the shafts of ridicule
 intended for his master. The licenser of
plays is elevated into a serene political
atmosphere, high above all the paltry
considerations and influences of party spirit. He
stands immoveable, while administrations
 come and go. He knows nothing of the
 subtle distinctions, between Whig and Radical,
Tory and Conservative. To him they
are all talking, working, governing men.
 They claim the shelter of his small, but
hospitable office, and, like a large-hearted
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