order had been preserved in Cephalonia in 1849. Mr.
Peel entered into a vindication of Sir H. Ward's conduct
and general policy, and observed that, though from
1803 to 1848 the Ionian people did not enjoy the full
measure of independence and constitutional government
which had been guaranteed to them, in 1849 very great
and radical reforms had been carried out in the islands.

Mr. G. A. HAMILTON moved a vote of £460,000 for
the Caffre War.—Sir W. MOLESWORTH, not meaning
to oppose the vote, observed that there had been a great
and increasing military expenditure incurred on account
of South Africa, the average annual amount in the three
years ending in 1850 having been three times that of the
three years ending 1836. He attributed the great increase
in this expenditure, first, to the enormous extent of our
frontier; and secondly, to the abolition of the old and
effectual system of self-protection by the colonists. Our
outlay had been increasing since 1833, and was now fourfold
its original amount. He went fully into the history
and characteristics of the modes in which we had dealt
with the colony, especially dwelling on Sir C . Napier's plan
of compensating the colonist out of public money for
robberies committed by the Caffres. He saw no prospect
of reducing the expenditure during the continuance of
our present system, which compelled the English people
to pay about £5 a-year for every colonist in Africa. But
after the war should be over, he thought that our system
ought to be entirely changed, and that our military
force should be reduced to a garrison at Cape Town.—
Mr. GLADSTONE said that the present votes were for a
portion only of the extra expense of the Caffre war. But
the figures, frightful as they were, could by no means
be considered the worst part of the affair. Our posterity
would hardly believe that we could have gone to the
furthest parts of the world hunting for an opportunity
of squandering money, and for doing it in a way most
likely to destroy the independence and self-reliance of
our colonists. The government of South Africa cost us
more per head than the government of Great Britain
and Ireland. He was now taking a pecuniary view of
the question, but he would ask, what possible good was
accruing from our Caffre wars? He entered his protest
against the principle set forth in the despatches to
General Cathcart. It was to the colonists themselves
that we must look for the regulation of their frontiers,
and for the settlement of the question what those
frontiers were to be. Give the boon of local liberty
without stint, but, of course, subject to imperial unity,
and we should hear no complaint of the duty of self-
defence. They must be assisted against such enemies as
they cannot be expected to cope with, and they must be
liberally supported until we had extricated ourselves
from our old colonial system.—Lord J. RUSSELL said,
that the colonial system of past days, especially that of
America (to which Mr. Gladstone had adverted), was
conducted upon different principles to those now recognised,
and had actually been abandoned by America
herself, who had called in her regular forces to defend
her frontier. He did not believe that the house would
have heard patiently that the Caffres had been
allowed to butcher our colonists, and that the latter had
been left to their own resources. Neither would the
people of this country allow injustice to be dealt out to
the savages themselves, and the consequence of both
honourable feelings had been that the present system
had grown up. The question was, what was to be done
when military men had effected their utmost? His
lordship defended the despatch to General Cathcart, and
proceeded to examine Mr. Gladstone's arguments. The
real difficulty arose from the fact that the white population
at the Cape was so exceedingly small, and that
the spread of population was not sufficiently great to
form a strong frontier. Hence a military frontier had
been necessary, and hence again this enormous expenditure.
The future was the important question. To
withdraw the troops and leave the colonies to be
overwhelmed would tarnish the British name, while it was
impossible to keep up an immense military establishment.
He thought some course between the two might
be adopted, that of giving sufficient protection, but not
pushing the frontier too far. For such a policy a force
of 4,000 men might be enough. The colonists would be
neither willing nor able to do alone what we had done
for them, but in co-operation with us they would act
vigorously. There had been no disposition to deny free
institutions to the Cape, but he was sorry for the
misunderstandings which had arisen. He believed that
the Cape colonists would conduct their institutions in a
satisfactory manner; and he concluded by a tribute to
the military reputation of Sir H. Smith, regretting that,
as a governor, he had been misled by knowledge
acquired under different circumstances to those of the
present time.—Sir J. PAKINGTON said, that the frontier
question was one of the greatest practical difficulties in
the way of government. The boon of freedom had
already been conferred (somewhat tardily) upon the
Cape colonists, and he had done all he could to facilitate
their dealing with the new institutions. But the
enormous frontier created under the late administration
rendered the question one of exceeding difficulty. He
entered into the history of these acquisitions, and
contrasted Lord Glenelg's policy with that of Lord Grey.
It was, he said, a problem of no ordinary complexity
how to deal with territory of which we had once taken
possession in the name of the English crown. The
government were placed in a peculiar position, but
he hoped the country would appreciate the course they
should take, namely, to give their best attention to the
subject, and to act with the utmost caution. Before
taking any important steps he thought they ought to
wait, not only for the news which was daily expected,
but for the conclusion of the war, and for the establishment
of the free institutions now in progress.—Mr.
ROEBUCK said, that the last speaker did not understand
the question, which also lay deeper than any preceding
speakers had placed it. The feeling of the people of
England was the real difficulty. We, taking European
warfare into the bush, were and should be beaten, but
the colonists could deal with their enemies were it not
for Exeter hall. Give the colonists the power of
England to back them, and the white man will exterminate
the black, and this was the only solution of the difficulty,
unless we withdrew our colonists altogether.—Mr.
ADDERLEY said, that the vote demanded by no means
represented the price we should have to pay for one of
Lord Grey's experiments. He was not disposed at that
period to go into any examination of Lord Grey's policy,
the less so as recent events had shown that his lordship
himself did not believe that it would bear minute
investigation. He had full confidence in the spirit in which
the present Colonial Secretary would approach the
subject, and would assure him of the loyalty of the Cape,
which only desired constitutional freedom.—Colonel
THOMPSON traced the origin of the war to the fantastic
resolution on the part of an English governor to place
his foot on the neck of an African chief, and declared
his belief that every nation with whom we came in
contact hated us.—Mr. F. PEEL, adverting to the manner
in which Earl Grey's name had been held up, he said,
in a most unfavourable light, declared that when Mr.
Adderley brought forward his menaced motion, he
should be prepared to enter upon a full defence of the
course pursued by Lord Grey, particularly with reference
to the despatch in which Sir H. Smith had been
informed of his recal. He admitted that large additions
of territory had been made to the colony, and when the
opportunity offered he would show that these territorial
acquisitions had not been made in pursuit of any policy
of our own, but in the interest of the colony.—Mr. H.
DRUMMOND defended Sir H. Smith, and characterised
Earl Grey's conduct towards him as "dirty" and
"unmanly."—Mr. HUME recommended Mr. Peel to defend
Earl Grey at once, as he would be the only man in or
out of England who would think of doing so.—Lord J.
RUSSELL said, that should the debate referred to by Mr.
Peel be brought on, he should be prepared to take his
full share of responsibility. Lord Grey had been very
reluctant to recal Sir H. Smith, and the late government
had been anxious to give him every opportunity
of success, but had been unanimous in agreeing that he
ought to be recalled. After some observations in answer
to Mr. Drummond (who had observed how differently
Sir Harry would have been treated had he been
connected as was Lord Torrington), he declared that he had
done Earl Grey injustice.—Mr. HINDLEY thought Mr.
Peel should have taken that opportunity of defending