his private goodness and marvellous fortune. God forbid
that the day should ever arrive when the nation
should be more sensible of its irreparable loss than it was
iit the present moment. The most appropriate tribute to
the great Duke would be to strengthen our defences at
home, and to maintain our ancient alliances.—Lord
DERBY, after paying his tribute of respect to the memory
of the Duke of Wellington, proceeded to thank the
Marquis of Lansdowne and Lord Brougham for the
support which their remarks on the necessity of maintaining
our defences would afford to the government, and to
congratulate the house on the success which, up to the
present time, had attended the enrolment of the militia.
Passing to that part of her Majesty's speech which spoke
of the "improved condition" of the working classes, he
wished to state a few facts. From the increased
consumption of certain articles, such as tea, tobacco, coffee,
and sugar, it was evident that the circumstances of large
classes of the community had improved considerably
during the last three years. In the savings-banks of the
agricultural districts, too, within the same period, the
deposits had been increasing as compared with the sums
withdrawn, until, in the present year, they had balanced
one another, for the first time since 1847, when free-
trade gave such a severe blow to industry in those
districts. When he considered the circumstances which
had combined to neutralise the injurious effect of the
free-trade system, he concurred with those that attributed
them to the great importation of gold and extensive
emigration. But (continued Lord Derby) without
looking to what may be the causes why the system
newly introduced is working more advantageously for
the working classes than we anticipated, I am bound to
look to practical result, and to the deliberate expression
of the feeling of the people. When, at the commencement
of the last session of Parliament, I had for the
first time the honour, very unexpectedly, of addressing
your lordships from the place where I now stand, I
stated that it would be my desire to conduct the business
of the country through the session then commencing
without any reference to those important questions on
which differences of political principle existed; that that
point must be a point referred to the deliberate
consideration of the country, as tested by the result of a
general election, and that by the result of that general
election I and my colleagues were prepared to abide;
and unless we had the full sanction and support of a
large majority of the country, we would abstain from
proposing even those measures we, in our private
judgment, deemed right. That appeal has been made; and
I have no hesitation in saying to your lordships that,
with respect to the imposition of any duty on corn and
provisions, not only is there not that large majority,
without which I declared that I would not submit such
a proposition to the consideration of parliament, but the
country, by a very large and undoubted majority,
including a very considerable proportion of representatives
of the agricultural districts themselves, have
declared that, whether it be desirable or not as a matter
of policy, yet, in the present state of the country, they
determined not to go back from that system of legislation
which has been established; they will not consent to the
imposition of any tax on the introduction of provisions.
My lords, I say that that question carries with it
the whole financial policy of the country. It might have
been possible to adopt a system of free-trade, as it is
commonly called, and to have made those particular
articles exceptions from that general policy; but it is not
possible to lay down a system of policy by which you
should have free-trade in corn and provisions, and by
which you should not follow up, as far as possible, the
same principle with regard to other matters. If I
understand that which is intended by the common
expression, "free-trade," I take it to mean this: that you
will not impose taxes for the purpose of protection of
individual and local interests; that you will impose
taxes for the purpose of revenue, and of revenue only,
and that in the imposition of those taxes you will have
especial references to lightening the burdens which may
be imposed upon those articles that mainly enter into
the consumption of the great mass of the community.
Now, in that system I see much of advantage; I do not
deny that I see much of difficulty and future embarrassment.
I see great present advantage: I am not sure—
God forbid but I should be wrong—that that system
may not lead to future embarrassment, by necessary
consequent changes in our financial system. But I do not
hesitate to say, after the opinion that has been pronounced
by the country, whatever may be the views of
myself or of my friends as to what would have been the
desirable policy, that a recurrence to such a policy is in
itself impracticable, and that if it were practicable it
would be most undesirable to raise such a question of
controversy among large masses of the people (hear,
hear). On the part, then, of myself and of my
colleagues, I bow to the decision of the country (hear), and
having so bowed, I declare, on their part and on mine,
that while desirous to the utmost of our power to
mitigate that unavoidable injury which the adoption of
the policy to which I refer has inflicted, and must
inflict, upon important classes, I do not adopt it with any
reserve whatever, I adopt it frankly, as the decision of
the country, and honestly and fairly I am prepared to
carry it out as the decision of the country. I hope the
noble marquis will not think that her Majesty's government,
after what I have said, either require time to make
up their minds as to the course they shall pursue, or
have any faltering or hesitation in declaring their
intention. It would obviously be improper for me upon
the present occasion to enter into any detail of those
measures by which we believe that that injury may be
mitigated, and by which we believe that without
interfering with the general policy which is called for
shortness "free-trade," we may confer advantages upon
those classes which have suffered from its adoption.
But I have the satisfaction of stating to your lordships
that, if you and the country can have the patience to
wait for one short fortnight, on the part of her Majesty's
government, my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the
Exchequer is prepared to lay before the other house of
parliament, in full detail, those financial measures which
in the present state of affairs her Majesty's government
are of opinion should be adopted. Until that period
shall arrive, I trust your lordships will abstain from
pronouncing or expressing any opinion.—After a few
more observations, Lord Derby concluded as follows:—
With regard to this question, I have frankly stated that
we will endeavour as honestly to carry out the policy to
which we have hitherto objected, as if we were ourselves
the authors of that policy. On the other hand, I say as
frankly and distinctly that I will abstain from no effort
which, in my judgment and in that of my colleagues,
may have the effect of mitigating—to those who suffer
from it—the unavoidable effects of that policy which the
nation has now adopted. (Several gentlemen in the
reporters' gallery understood the noble earl to say
"finally adopted;" but the closing words were not
distinctly heard.)—After some observations from Lord
STAFFORD, the address was agreed to.—On the motion
of Lord DERBY, Lord Redesdale was re-appointed
chairman of committees.

On Monday, the 15th, the Earl of DERBY moved an
address to the Crown, in answer to the message respecting
the Funeral of the Duke of Wellington; and
subsequently moved that their lordships should attend the
funeral, and that a committee be appointed to consider
the manner in which such attendance should be given.
Both motions were agreed to.

On Tuesday, the 16th, the LORD CHANCELLOR stated
to the house the measures taken since the last session
for the purpose of carrying into operation the bills for
the Amendment of Proceedings in the Court of Chancery;
and also announced the further measures contemplated
by the government, and about to be laid before
the other house, with the same object. The measures
passed last session were now in full operation, and they
had produced all the best effects contemplated by
parliament, so that proceedings in chancery were now
speedy in operation and cheap in expenditure. He then
proceeded to describe, in detail, the measures intended
to be introduced, and in the course of his observations
he said that an extended investigation into the system
of the ecclesiastical courts must take place at no distant
time. Improvements would be made in the administration
of the law with regard to lunacy, one of which
would give the commissioners power to visit Bethlehem