workshops in London, giving employment to above
3000 hands, were closed on the 10th; and a number of
workshops in Manchester were closed on the same day.

On the night of the 10th, a meeting of the Executive
Council of the "Amalgamated Society" was held, when
the council resolved to submit the following resolutions
to the members, requesting that branch meetings might
be called as soon as possible to take them into
consideration:—

"1. That £10,000 of the funds of the Amalgamated Society
shall be paid over to such number of trustees (the trustees to
be men in whom public confidence would be placed in
consequence of their position in society), not less than six, as are
selected by the executive, on trust, to advance the same from
time to time to managers appointed by the executive, whose
appointments will be afterwards confirmed by the society, for the
purpose of carrying on the business of engineers, machinists, &c.

"2. These advances, as well as those which the trustees may
obtain from other sources, shall be secured by a mortgage of all
the plant and stock in trade employed in such business to the
said trustees, who shall have a power to give preference
security to any other advances over sums advanced out of the funds
of the Amalgamated Society.

"3. The conditions of work under which such business is
carried on shall be such as are approved of by the executive of
the Amalgamated Society from time to time, with the view of
giving employment to the greatest possible number of members
of the trade out of employment for the time being, consistently
with the stability of the business and the welfare of the workmen
employed."

An interesting letter, on the differences between the
engineer workmen and their masters, by Lord
Cranworth, has appeared in the "Times." Lord Ashburton
had been asked to be an arbiter between the men and
their masters: on receiving a second letter of invitation,
he hastened to London to consult Lord Cranworth,
whom he was told "the operatives desired to place at
the head of a council of arbitration for the decision of
the questions now unfortunately at issue." The result
was a letter addressed to Lord Ashburton. Its substance
is contained in the following passages:—

"I feel most deeply for the men; for I believe in my conscience
that many, perhaps all, not only are most fully persuaded they
are in the right, but they would scout the notion of offering or
encouraging those who should offer violence either to master or
man. But, however pure and peaceable may be their intentions,
I know from experience what is the unavoidable result. It has
been my painful duty to try and punish for outrages such as I have
adverted to, many men who, I have no doubt, when they entered
into these trade combinations, would have been indignant with
any one who should have suggested that what they were
engaging in could ever lead to a violation of the law. So, however,
it invariably is. I cannot wonder that the masters refuse to agree
to any arbitration that is to impose on them any restriction
whatever as to the terms on which they are to contract with
their men. No one ought to presume to define such terms, any
more than to bind the men as to the terms which they ought to
submit to in favour of their masters. The obvious duty and
interest of the men is to treat the matter as a mere question of
bargain. If once they do that,—if once they allow that the
master is at liberty to propose his own terms, and the workman
to accept or reject them,—I should think the masters would—I
am sure they ought—to be quite ready to listen to any suggestions
of the men, as to any modifications of the system which
should be more agreeable to them, without infringing on the
free agency of their employers. I fear, from what has passed,
that there is too much heat now to expect that any temperate
advice will be attended to. Sure I am that a time will come
when the workmen will deeply regret the steps they have
taken, if they really are endeavouring by combination to
deprive the masters of their natural right of managing their
own business in their own way. I deeply feel for the men, and
I should have been very glad if we could have seen our way to
suggest any sort of arbitration which could solve the difficulty;
but I really cannot.

"I recollect you said the men think there ought to be some
tribunal which should decide this question between them and
their employers, and that such is the case in France. I cannot
say what may be the state of the law there, but I can hardly
think it possible that there can be a law regulating what
contract a master shall enter into with his men: that is not a fit
subject for a tribunal or an arbitration, and for this obvious
reason—the master, after the decision given, has only to say,
'I will not enter into such a contract,' no one can force him
to do so. When, indeed, the employed is not a free agent, not
therefore an equal with the employer— as, for instance, a child
or a woman—there we know the Legislature has reasonably
enough interfered; but I should be sorry indeed to think that
the adult workmen of this country should claim protection on
any such ground as that which has led to the legislative
protection of women and children in their dealings with their
employers. I wish I could have written more satisfactorily.
I promised you to make any suggestions which might occur to
me, but in truth I can think of none. I only heartily hope that
the men will not take a step so very injurious to themselves as
that which the aspect of affairs seems to threaten.

This letter has been extensively printed, placarded,
and distributed by the Manchester employers.

The Amalgamated society, on the other hand, have
published the following letter, addressed to the
Executive of the society, by Viscount Goderich, Mr. Hughes,
and Mr. Vansittart, dated the 17th inst.;—

"Gentlemen,—Lord Cranworth's letter to Lord Ashburton,
published in the 'Times' of to-day, may do your cause some
harm, as it is grounded on a misapprehension of the facts of
the case.

"As we were the persons whom you trusted to lay the question
of arbitration before Lords Ashburton and Cranworth, it was
our duty to take care that they understood clearly the points at
issue and what you really did ask.

"Now, Lord Cranworth says, 'The men insist that the masters
shall not employ unskilled labourers.' We can only say,
that when we made the application to Lord Ashburton we knew
perfectly well that you made no such demand as this.

"Again, we knew perfectly well that you did not ask for a
law compelling masters and men to submit to any arbitration
whatsoever. What you did ask for was, the formation of such a
board as exists in France, under the title of Conseil de Prud'hommes,
to which any masters and men who choose to submit
voluntarily to its jurisdiction, and bind themselves to abide by
its decisions, can refer all disputes between them; and you told
us you felt sure that all masters and men who wished for fair
play and nothing more would be glad to submit voluntarily to
such a tribunal as this.

"As your case, through our means, has been put on false
merits before the public, we think that you are entitled to this
statement from us, and shall leave it with you to make what
use you please of it."

In the meantime, the position of the contending
parties remains unaltered. The men connected with some
of the London branches received their first week's strike
allowance on Monday, the 19th, and the remaining
branches on Tuesday.

On Sunday night, the 18th, a crowded meeting of the
workmen connected with the iron trades took place at
the Phœnix tavern, Stepney; the object being mainly
to hear a report from Mr. Newton upon the state of
the movement in Lancashire. He described the all-
engrossing subject of attention to be the co-operative
shop in Lancashire, which he assured them would be
capable of employing 1000 men. His visit, altogether,
according to his account, was most satisfactory, the men
being animated by the utmost enthusiasm, and expressing
the most perfect confidence in the Amalgamated
society.

On Monday, the 19th, a meeting of the non-society
men and unskilled labourers was held at the People's
Institute, Heyrod-street, Manchester, to consider the
propriety of an appeal to the public on their own behalf.
In the course of the proceedings, the Amalgamated
society was severely reflected upon for having forced
the masters to take the steps they did, and thus caused
so much distress among their fellow-workmen who were
non-society men. The meeting ultimately nominated a
committee to collect funds and distribute them among
the non-society men.

The masters have issued a document explanatory and
defensive of their conduct, in which they say, "All we
want is to be let alone. With less than that we shall
not be satisfied. Until we accomplish that, we shall
not re-open our establishments. With every respect
for noble and distinguished referees, whose arbitration
has been tendered to us, and with no reason to doubt
that their award would be honest, intelligent, and
satisfactory, we must take leave to say that we alone are
the competent judges of our own business; that we are
respectively the masters of our own establishments; and
that it is our firm determination to remain so. To this
principle we recognise no exceptions."

The principal lronfounders of Glasgow have made a
great improvement in the Manner of Paying their
Workmen. Instead of Saturday evening, they are now
paid on Wednesday, at 2 o'clock; and the effect has
more than realised the expectations of the humane
masters. The workmen return after dinner almost in
every instance, leaving their wages behind them with
their families, who have now leisure and daylight to
seek the cheapest markets, and spend the money to the
best advantage.